May 20, 2026
“We don’t want power”
In an exclusive interview with The Washington Times’ Tim Constantine, Maryam Rajavi, president-elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), discusses why she believes Iran’s clerical regime is facing unprecedented weakness, the role of organized resistance and women-led opposition inside Iran, and the NCRI’s roadmap for a democratic transition.
During the broadcast, Mrs. Rajavi outlines her 10-point plan for a democratic Iran and urges international support for the Iranian people’s push for regime change.
Watch the Full Video Interview on The Washington Times YouTube Channel.
Below is the topic-by-topic transcript of the discussion, detailing the NCRI’s exact blueprint for a post-regime transition:
00:00 — Maryam Rajavi’s Fight for a Democratic Iran
Host: Joining us now is Maryam Rajavi, president-elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) and a longtime leader of the principal Iranian opposition movement. A metallurgical engineer by training, Mrs. Rajavi lost her elder sister at the hands of the Shah regime, and later her younger sister, brother-in-law, and sister-in-law to the Ayatollah’s regime—a profound personal sacrifice in Iran’s long struggle for freedom.
For decades, Mrs. Rajavi has championed democratic change in Iran. Her widely cited 10-point plan calls for free elections, the separation of religion and state, gender equality, the abolition of the death penalty, and a non-nuclear Iran. Mrs. Rajavi has addressed lawmakers across the United States and Europe and remains one of the most prominent voices in the world calling for a democratic future in Iran. Mrs. Rajavi, thank you for joining us.
Maryam Rajavi: Thank you very much.
01:07 — Why Rajavi Says Iran’s Regime Is at Its Weakest Point
Host: You know, analysts and experts look at the conflict between the United States and Iran, and they look at the success the United States has had militarily. They’ve done an enormous amount of damage. You’ve seen relationships change in the Gulf; the United States’ relationships seem to be even stronger, and Iran seems to be on its own. The leadership has been cleaned out—not only the Supreme Leader, but many of the top leaders have been cleaned out there—and yet the regime is still there. Some pundits would tell you it’s even stronger, that their resilience is so strong they may be in a stronger position than they were before February 28. Is that a correct assessment?
Maryam Rajavi: In my view, this assessment is incorrect because the regime is at its weakest point in the past 48 years. The super-crises that led to the January uprising have not only remained unresolved but have, in fact, intensified after the war. This assessment overlooks two key realities.
First, the executions in recent weeks demonstrate the regime’s deep concern about defiant youth and resistance units. This reflects the strength of the resistance and the weakness of the regime. As you know, in the past month alone, at least 23 political prisoners have been executed: eight members of the MEK and commanders of resistance units. Here, I have with me the pictures of these eight people. And also, 15 others who were participants in the uprising. Again, I have with me here the images of these 15 people. Family members of these martyrs who sought to retrieve the bodies of their loved ones have also been arrested.
Finally, the analysis you mentioned underestimates the explosive state of society and the accumulation of public discontent in Iran. The regime has no way out of these crises. Do not forget that just one year before the fall of the Shah’s dictatorship, some were calling it an “island of stability,” while others claimed Iran was not even in a pre-revolutionary phase. Yet, we saw that contrary to those assessments, the Shah’s dictatorship was rapidly overthrown.
04:02 — What the Executions Reveal About the Regime’s Fear
Host: You mentioned the executions that have gone on there, and human rights groups are saying there have been a couple of dozen. You mentioned eight of those are MEK members. Why do you think the Iranian regime, as it exists now, is carrying these out? But more importantly, what’s the message that that sends to the rest of the world?
Maryam Rajavi: The regime’s objective in carrying out these executions is to prevent an uprising and also to instill fear in the people who rose up in January for freedom and the overthrow of the regime. It knows that the war will eventually end and that the already explosive conditions in society will become even more intense, with larger uprisings on the horizon.
Therefore, on the one hand, it seeks by its own calculations to instill fear and terror among the public, especially the youth, to deter them from pursuing protest and rebellion. On the other hand, it aims to prevent young people from joining resistance units and to halt their expansion because these units play a significant role in organizing, spreading, and sustaining uprisings.
However, what the regime fails to grasp is that it is confronting a generation that is in no way willing to tolerate the Mullahs’ crackdown and suppression. This is a generation that has found its path in organized resistance and is prepared to pay whatever price it takes. As Thomas Paine said, “We have it in our power to begin the world over again.”
05:51 — Iran’s Opposition Says Regime Change Could Happen
Host: You have long talked about how overthrowing the regime would take actual resistance on the ground. You’ve been very clear that there needs to be people on the ground. What would that actually look like? How would that realistically unfold? And then, what credible alternative exists if that effort for overthrow is successful?
Maryam Rajavi: The clear alternative and the proven solution to the Iran question is change brought about by the Iranian people themselves through organized resistance and resistance units. Our specific strategy for overthrowing this regime is centered on the fusion of two elements: popular uprising and organized resistance, including the resistance units. Both elements have been tested and can be observed.
On the one hand, the social conditions are far more explosive than during the January uprising, and there is no doubt that larger uprisings are on the horizon. On the other hand, organized resistance is far more prepared than in the past. Resistance units, during the January uprisings alone, carried out 630 operations against repressive centers to protect the protesters. On February 23rd, 250 MEK fighters launched an assault on Khamenei’s heavily guarded headquarters. Resistance units, in their quantitative and qualitative expansion, have evolved into organized units of a liberation army.
In addition to the resistance units, there exists a vast organized social network of MEK supporters across the country playing an effective role in uprisings. Their struggle in cities and their resistance in prisons have had a profound impact on society. For example, members of a six-member MEK unit commanded by Vahid Bani, in the days before their execution, sang a collective anthem inside prison. This profoundly moving footage has now gone viral. International television stations have broadcasted it repeatedly; French television, in airing their images, described it as a powerful symbol of the Iranian people’s resistance and dignity, and it’s quite powerful. Here I have their pictures. This is the scene where they had stood in the prison yard and were singing together.
As I have repeatedly stated, real change in Iran requires a combat-ready, organized force on the ground. The fake alternatives, polished through social media engineering and glossy television programs, lack even the slightest real role or relevance. These represent remnants of the former dictatorship who aspire to return Iran to the past. But a people who sacrifice their lives do so not for a return to the past, but for a democratic future. One must not lose sight of the fact that elevating a manufactured alternative built around the Shah’s son and the remnants of their former dictatorship served as one of the clerical regime’s key levers to confront and contain the uprising and the organized resistance.
10:17 — The Six-Month Plan for a Post-Regime Iran
Host: While the United States’ disagreement with Iran is only a couple of months old, you have been fighting this battle for a long, long time. What is your plan? Do you have a specific plan for Iran’s future? And if there is a regime change, what would the transition look like?
Maryam Rajavi: We, the Iranian resistance, have presented a clear political roadmap for the period following the overthrow of the current regime. Under the council’s official plan, after the regime’s overthrow, a provisional government designated by the council will, within a maximum of six months, hold free and fair elections for a constituent and national legislative assembly, thereby transferring sovereignty to the people. The provisional government will then resign after six months, enabling the constituent assembly to designate a government to administer the country.
The political foundation of this transition is outlined in the resistance’s 10-point plan: a republic based on the separation of religion and state, pluralism, freedom of parties and the press, the abolition of the death penalty, gender equality, an independent judiciary, autonomy for oppressed nationalities, and a non-nuclear Iran. Therefore, our emphasis is on a republic grounded in freedom and democracy. And as Abraham Lincoln said in your own history, the fundamental principle is that government must be “of the people, by the people, and for the people.”
12:17 — How Women Are Leading Iran’s Resistance Movement
Host: The current regime has a reputation for oppressing women, and yet since 2017, women have been the ones who seem to be at the forefront of the protests on the ground in Iran. At the same time, when I look at your group, not only you, but primarily all the leadership in your organization is female. Is that a coincidence? And how is it that women are taking such a strong role in a country that has tried to hold women down?
Maryam Rajavi: I must state clearly that this coincidence in timing is not accidental at all. The reality is that the prominent and active role of Iranian women in the nationwide uprisings of recent years was not spontaneous or created overnight. Rather, it is rooted in 48 years of struggle by Iranian women in the political and social spheres, as well as in the arenas of military battles where MEK women played a leading and pioneering role.
Under this regime’s rule, thousands of courageous women activists and MEK members have been arrested, tortured, and executed. Today, 1,000 heroic women serve in the MEK’s Central Council, assuming leadership and guiding responsibilities at every level of this movement. Moreover, women constitute 52% of the more than 450 members of the National Council of Resistance of Iran. In this way, women’s leadership has been institutionalized within the resistance and serves as a springboard for achieving genuine gender equality. This is a source of inspiration and motivation for women across Iran. According to the council’s program and its 10-point plan, equality for women and their full participation in all spheres of society, especially in political leadership, will guarantee democracy and development in a future Iran.
14:38 — Why Rajavi Announced a Provisional Government
Host: Following the death of the Iranian regime’s Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, you announced the formation of a provisional government. To be perfectly candid, there were some critics out there that said that was premature. Why did you think it was important to make that announcement and that formation then? And what makes the provisional government legitimate?
Maryam Rajavi: The provisional government is part of a predefined plan by the NCRI for the transitional period. Its announcement at a time when the regime is experiencing severe fragility and weakness highlights the fact that a credible alternative exists—one capable of transferring power to the Iranian people in an orderly, calm, and democratic manner after the regime’s overthrow.
Regarding the legitimacy of the provisional government, I must say that under conditions of repression where free elections are impossible, the measure of legitimacy for any political force is its level of active participation and resistance, and its demonstrated commitment to democratic principles and practice. The legitimacy of the provisional government is rooted in 45 years of unrelenting struggle against religious tyranny and in the sacrifice of more than 100,000 martyrs. This government is based on a clear and publicly declared political program grounded in principles such as free elections, the rule of law, the separation of religion and state, and gender equality.
I must add that the provisional government does not seek to replace the will of the people; rather, it aims to facilitate its realization. We have consistently stated that we do not seek power for ourselves but intend to transfer power to the Iranian people. The mandate of the provisional government is to hold free elections within a maximum of six months for the formation of a constituent assembly. Immediately thereafter, the provisional government will resign so that the representatives elected by the people in the constituent assembly can establish a new government to carry forward the affairs of the country.
17:25 — Could Iran Avoid the Chaos Seen in Iraq and Libya?
Host: In the recent past, the collapse of oppressive rulers—like in Libya, for example, or maybe a great example would be in Iraq and Saddam Hussein—the collapse of those leaderships has ended up in chaos and instability all over. If there is a regime change in Iran, can a different path be taken? Can that instability be avoided?
Maryam Rajavi: Such a threat does not exist in Iran. Neither the experiences of Iraq and Libya are applicable to Iran, nor is a Chalabi-style scenario conceivable, nor is a return to a monarchical dictatorship, for several reasons.
First, there exists in Iran a deep and powerful societal desire for regime change and the attainment of freedom and democracy. For the past 45 years, there has been a continuous resistance aimed at overthrowing the regime. This prolonged struggle serves as a unifying force among the diverse components of Iranian society. It must be noted that in Iraq and Libya, no credible alternatives existed. The fall of those regimes occurred largely as a result of the sudden collapse of state structures. In contrast, change in Iran fundamentally relies on the people and on an organized resistance that is backed by a political alternative and a provisional government.
In Iran, there exists an opposition force with a defined structure, program, and networks, which has a clear roadmap for the day after the regime’s overthrow. As I said, a time-bound provisional government has been proposed with the explicit mandate to hold free elections. In other words, a designed mechanism exists to prevent a power vacuum. It must be borne in mind that Iran possesses a longstanding national identity and a deeply rooted, cohesive social structure. It was not a state born out of post-war global partitions that followed major wars.
20:14 — How Much Support Does the NCRI Have Inside Iran?
Host: Your critics say that while you have a strong presence and you and your organization have a strong following abroad, they question how much of a following you really have inside the borders of Iran. Is there concrete evidence? Can you lay out examples of where the NCRI has a following on the ground?
Maryam Rajavi: Let us begin with the regime’s daily executions themselves. If the MEK did not have a social base of support, why do the clerical rulers persistently execute its members? As I mentioned, recently eight MEK members were executed in just three weeks. In total, more than 100,000 members of the resistance have been executed by this regime. This book that you see here contains the names of 20,000 of them that have been compiled under conditions of severe repression. Their names and pictures are seen here.
Therefore, if the resistance had no base in Iran, it would not have endured for 60 years. Indeed, it would not have survived even six months. Resistance units carried out over 4,000 anti-repression operations in the past year alone. Is it conceivable for such a scale of operations to occur without a broad social base? During the January uprisings alone, 2,000 MEK members disappeared, were killed, or were imprisoned. Yet, at the same time, we are witnessing a growing number of women and young people joining the ranks of the resistance units.
Senior regime officials, including Ali Khamenei, have repeatedly acknowledged that the primary threat inside Iran is the MEK and that it plays a pivotal role in inciting uprisings. For 45 years, the slogan “Death to the MEK” has been a staple of the regime’s official and religious ceremonies. Over the past two years, the regime has held a so-called in-absentia trial in Tehran, convened every two weeks, targeting 104 members of the resistance. Its purpose is to level accusations in an effort to halt the growing trend of youth joining the movement. In this very trial, death sentences have been issued against me and other members.
I must also recall that relying on its popular network, this resistance was the first to expose the regime’s secret nuclear program in 2002 and has carried out more than 130 such revelations since then. At the same time, it is precisely this domestic social base that has enabled this resistance to maintain its financial independence to this day.
I’m not sure that some in the West realize how large the ethnic diversity is in Iran. Diversity can be a great asset, but it also creates some challenges. You talked earlier about your 10-point plan. In that plan, do you have specifics as to how to meet the various demands or the various needs of all these different ethnic groups within one nation?
Maryam Rajavi: Preserving Iran’s territorial integrity and national unity is possible precisely through guaranteeing the rights of all its constituent peoples and components. That is why we advocate internal autonomy for oppressed nationalities such as the Balochis, Kurds, Arabs, and Turkmen. For many years, the NCRI has adopted a comprehensive plan for autonomy in Iranian Kurdistan. This plan represents an advanced model for democratic self-governance for Iranian Kurdistan. Conversely, those who refuse to recognize the rights of oppressed nationalities are, in practice, pursuing the path of division and fragmentation in the country. Of course, the people of Iran firmly reject that.
25:50 — What Rajavi Wants From the International Community
Host: We’ve talked about the NCRI, we’ve talked about your organization and who makes it up, and we’ve talked about action on the ground. There is one question remaining, and that is: what are you looking for from the international community in support of your efforts?
Maryam Rajavi: As I recently stated at a meeting at the European Parliament, the Iranian people expect the international community to predicate any diplomatic engagements or agreements on the halt of executions and the release of political prisoners. Furthermore, the regime’s dossier of human rights violations must be referred to the United Nations Security Council so that its leaders can be held accountable for crimes against humanity.
The regime’s embassies should be closed, and agents and operatives of the Ministry of Intelligence and the Revolutionary Guards must be expelled from all countries. Also, the requisite technical infrastructure must be provided to ensure the Iranian people have access to a free and unrestricted internet. Finally, it is essential that the regime change by the Iranian people and their organized resistance be recognized, along with the provisional government announced by the NCRI.
Host: Mrs. Rajavi, before I let you go, is there anything else you would like to share with our audience?
Maryam Rajavi: Thank you. Allow me to say a few words and to repeat that four decades ago, the Iranian resistance, with its deep understanding of the nature of the religious dictatorship in Iran, emphasized that this regime is incapable of reform and that the only solution is the overthrow of this brutal dictatorship. Our program can be summarized as freedom, equality, and the separation of religion and state. Our struggle and sacrifices are not aimed at gaining power, and we do not seek to share power. Our only goal is to establish popular sovereignty and democracy. Thank you again.
Host: Thanks for doing it with us, we appreciate it. Maryam Rajavi, president-elect of the NCRI. We wish you well.
The original video can be accessed here: Watch on YouTube